The Ukrainian war, which will be followed by other local conflicts, is probably the most threatening moment since the Nazi invasion.
Europe was built on the ashes of the Second World War, and on a postulate of peace, itself reinforced by a now globalized globalization. Military, social, political and financial explosions are beginning to tear away our appeasement in the future, like shrapnel tearing the surface of the ground.
We’ve been bad sentinels of our future. And we have forgotten that history abhors a vacuum in a world steeped in tragedy. However, everything is fragile: environmental temperance, peace, states, money, social orders. Everything is precarious because we have not formulated any social project, except an accommodation to the market economy.
And I even fear that our rulers are not aware of the fragility of their legitimacy, because democracy will inevitably be challenged if events rush.
The political sphere will have to ambitiously win back public opinion in a project for a peaceful society, because democracy is threatened by other factors than those that we include a little too quickly under the term populism. Democracy is traumatized by the pace of economic change, social, financial and patrimonial inequalities and therefore globalized globalization. These latter factors therefore create political inequality. But the crisis of democracy is also the failure of effective political decision-making.
Concomitantly, it will therefore be necessary strengthen democratic control of state decisionsyou. But these demands carry with them warnings, because distrust of the political world stems from an apprehension with regard to public policies. The inefficiency of the State in crisis situations (my Covid health crisis, energy tensions, etc.) leads, for some, to a contestation, even a repulsion of democracy. Moreover, elections have a decreasing capacity for representation and are becoming less effective in legitimizing political power. The civic discouragement is indisputable.
With regard to the lack of representation and democratic membership, I had moreover, from the first confinements linked to the Covid health crisis, had the intuition toa loss of civic support. We are seeing more and more a breakdown in respect for the state, the employer, civil society, and so on. If this collective intuition is confirmed, then a movement of silent rebellion could appear before transforming into clearing populism.
Without democratic adherence and the strengthening of this democracy in the political field, social malaise seems foreseen, therefore foreseeable. They will no doubt be aggravated by the fact that social mobility has decreased in recent years, that the proportion of the population below the poverty line has increased dangerously and that the information society has accentuated societal divisions in a context where the digital revolution has increased social fragmentation. It will not be a revenge of the masses, but rather a risk of disobedience socio-economic or cultural, even identity, which would be a worrying scenario.
Europe was built on the ashes of the Second World War, and on a postulate of peace, itself reinforced by a now globalized globalization. Military, social, political and financial explosions are beginning to tear our appeasement away from the future, like shrapnel tearing the surface of the ground. We have been bad sentinels of our future. And we have forgotten that history abhors a vacuum in a world steeped in tragedy. However, everything is fragile: environmental temperance, peace, states, money, social orders. Everything is precarious because we have not formulated any social project, except an accommodation to the market economy. And I even fear that our rulers are not aware of the fragility of their legitimacy, because democracy will inevitably be put in play if events rush. The political sphere will have to ambitiously win back public opinion in a project of peaceful society, because democracy is threatened by factors other than those that are encompassed a little too quickly under the term populism. Democracy is traumatized by the pace of economic change, social, financial and patrimonial inequalities and therefore globalized globalization. These latter factors therefore create political inequality. But the crisis of democracy is also the failure of the effectiveness of political decision-making. At the same time, it will therefore be necessary to strengthen democratic control of State decisions. But these demands carry with them warnings, because distrust of the political world stems from an apprehension with regard to public policies. The inefficiency of the State in crisis situations (my Covid health crisis, energy tensions, etc.) leads, for some, to a contestation, even a repulsion of democracy. Moreover, elections have a decreasing capacity for representation and are becoming less effective in legitimizing political power. The civic discouragement is indisputable. With regard to the deficit of representation and democratic membership, I had moreover, from the first confinements linked to the Covid health crisis, had the intuition of a loss of citizen membership. There is more and more a breakdown in respect for the state, the employer, the civil society, and so on. If this collective intuition is confirmed, then a movement of silent rebellion could appear before transforming into clearing populism. Without democratic adherence and the strengthening of this democracy in the political field, social malaise seems foreseen, therefore foreseeable. They will no doubt be aggravated by the fact that social mobility has decreased in recent years, that the proportion of the population below the poverty line has increased dangerously and that the information society has accentuated societal divisions in a context where the digital revolution has increased social fragmentation. It will not be a revenge of the masses, but rather a risk of socio-economic or cultural disobedience, even identity, which would be a worrying scenario.
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